The limits where adverbs can come into

The examples are under the belief that VP ellipsis aims at VPs and that an S-adverb adjoining to VP creates a two slot category, that each can be a possible antecedent for VP ellipsis. In the case of VP-adverbs, adjunction to V’ creates not an ambiguous antecedent structurally. That both sets of facts, could rule out adjoining VP-adverbs to VP instead of V’ is worth mentioning. The patterns of distribution in (15) and (16) can be supported theoretically. The analytical proposal is that lexical heads in local domain do license the adverbs which limits where adverbs can come into action.


1.    Licensing of adverbs

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The fundamental requirement for the syntax of adverb placement proposal is that it is the link between the reference being modified by the adverb and its syntactic position, said by Sportiche (1988) at Adjunct Projection Condition, illustrated in (21).

(21) Adjunct Projection Condition (Sportiche 1988)

If some semantic type Y are being modified by semantics of type X, and X and Y are recognized        as x and y syntactically, then x is projected adjacent to y or the head of y.

But the problem is that Sportiche doesn’t mention the exact syntactic realization(s) of the modification and it would be heavily dependent on the explanation of “adjacent”, (21). Looking closely carefully at the adjunction set site for S-adverbs and VP-adverbs, (22), it will become clear that each class comes together around I? or V? respectively. Approving that each grouping has its own validity, I will develop a hypothesis that the two types of adverbs are licensed in syntactic positions by the respective heads (for more information about similar theories and application take a look at Roberts 1986, Travis 1988, Alexiadou 1994, and Bowers 1993). Licensing of adverbs takes place by a head and must be in a position syntactically related with the head by some relations calling R. so R is formulated as “in the government domain of”. Informally stated, adjunction to the complement of H?, adjoined phrases within the projection of H’, and specifier are the government domain of H?. Illustrated in (23), within the government domain of I?/V? head the IP/VP is modified by the S-adverbs/VP-adverbs. Following the evaluation of the success of the proposal will be demonstrated.

(23) Adverb Licensing Proposal

X? heads license the adverbs classes and, in the government domain of the head, these adverb classes must be structurally realized.

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